Conference || Programme || Circular || Participants ||
Summary Thursday, April 24
Summary Friday, April 25
Summary, Saturday, April 26


Bihari Krishna Shrestha/Democracy and traditional social order in rural Nepal: The inclusionary ferment of change at the grassroots

This presentation focused on democracy and the traditional social order in rural Nepal. Social exclusion in Nepal is the result of many factors: resource deprivation, Hindu orthodoxy, political deprivation, development deprivation, and geographical isolation, among others. Poverty, in turn, is typically linked to a matrix of attributes including low caste/ethnic status, limited/non-existent resource endowment, lack of land, illiteracy, educational disadvantage, and lack of access to institutions. In general, it can be characterised as the existence of the poor as satellites to elites.

The conflict-ridden social-political structure is likewise defined by these characteristics, in particular by the domination of Bahun, Chhetri and Newar groups. More generally, party affiliation, which forms the basis of the political structure, is based on traditional rivalries among the elite.

Nepal’s politics suffers from a multiparty paradox, a structurally defined distortion of democracy. Even with changes in the party in power, there has been a sustained failure to deliver results to the people, leading to the present Maoist conflagration. Some of the attributes of this paradox are unethical behaviour on the part of politicians, voting detached from ideology, use of clan networks, and the buying of votes. As a general rule, successful politicians are corrupt.

One approach to overcoming the malaise of politics is the devolution of power to local units. Community forest programmes, which emerged after the desertification alarm of the 1980s, are now common in parts of Nepal. The Decentralisation Act of 1982 created User Groups (UGs) of local people to manage resources, and by 1988, with support from the World Bank, UGs had spread to many parts of the country.

Forest User Groups (FUGs) are based on principles of participatory decision-making, transparency of management and accountability of leaders. Nepal currently has 12,500 FUGs involving 1.3 million households managing 933,000 hectares of forest. Thanks to the programme, there are now more trees being planted than cut down. FUGs operate through the equitable distribution of forestry products, and oftentimes low caste groups get greater shares. In the Tarai, FUGs can include as many as 600 households, which is too large, although even these groups are better than previous arrangements.

Another decentralisation effort is the Small Farmer Cooperative Limited (SFCL), which was founded in 1975. SFCLs facilitate grassroots saving projects and credit groups of 5 to 9 members, usually women. The project has suffered from politicisation, overstaffing, high overhead costs and low recovery rates, though it has contributed to ecological maintenance and rural upliftment.
In the village of Naktajheej, about half of the 1100 households representing 25 caste groups (including seven Dalit groups) participate in SFCLs. The remaining households either do not participate because they lack citizenship certificates or because they have access to other finance institutions. The SFCLs are good governance institutions because their operation reflects VDC priorities.

There are some obstacles to the acceleration of inclusion-based approaches at local levels. Much talk of decentralisation on the part of officials and ‘distinctive’ donor agencies is mere rhetoric, and the government is often unresponsive. Donors could be more helpful, and researchers could take greater interest in these programmes.
This investigation into democracy and local-level programmes leads to a number of related conclusions. First, exclusion is historically derived and remains largely unchallenged. Second, democracy must be custom tailored to the needs and limitations of communities. Third, Nepal has not yet completely engaged with democracy. Four, the extensive devolution of authority to local groups should be a future priority. Finally, civil society must play a strong role in monitoring this process and helping it advance.


Conference || Programme || Circular || Participants ||
Summary Thursday, April 24
Summary Friday, April 25
Summary, Saturday, April 26

 
 
 
 
Home || Bal Sansar || Film South Asia || Himal Books || Social Science Baha || Centre for Investigative Journalism
Kathmandu International Mountain Film Festival || Clearinghouse for South Asian Non-Fiction Film